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    <description>Recordings from annual Dimensions of Political Ecology Conference</description>
    <pubDate>Fri, 06 Jul 2012 17:58:02 -0500</pubDate>
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          <itunes:summary>Recordings from annual Dimensions of Political Ecology Conference</itunes:summary>
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        <title>DOPE2012: Tammy Clemons: Ecofeminist Ethics and Rural/Urban Dualism </title>
        <itunes:title>DOPE2012: Tammy Clemons: Ecofeminist Ethics and Rural/Urban Dualism </itunes:title>
        <link>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012-tammy-clemons-ecofeminist-ethics-and-ruralurban-dualism/</link>
                    <comments>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012-tammy-clemons-ecofeminist-ethics-and-ruralurban-dualism/#comments</comments>        <pubDate>Fri, 06 Jul 2012 17:58:02 -0500</pubDate>
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                                    <description><![CDATA[Tammy Clemons (University of Kentucky, Anthropology)

Presented in Situating and Engaging with Feminist Political Ecology II: Environmental Ethics, Labor, and Dispossession at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

As feminist women who are connected and committed to the earth and deeply rooted in place, my partner and I have been consciously attempting to embody our personal ethical ideal of ecofeminism in varying degrees for the past 17 years. When I attended graduate school a decade ago, moving to the city presented a great ethical challenge to our personal commitment to and sustained relationship with the earth and all of her life forms. It also caused us to question the value of rural/urban dualism and wrestle with the practical challenge of how we could embody ecofeminist ethics in an urban environment and also inspire others to commit to and physically perform this work in an urban setting. This ethical conundrum was the subject of a feminist ethics paper that I wrote at the time, and it also made cameo appearances in several other papers on feminist theology and community activism. I will revisit my ethics paper on rural/urban dualism, including a basic etymology and background of ecofeminism, and reflect on some of complexities of dualism that challenge and are challenged by ecofeminist embodiment. I will also discuss some of the current challenges related to my recent return to graduate school while maintaining an off-the-grid homestead with my partner. As a newcomer to the realm of “political ecology,” I also hope to engage in a dynamic discussion about whether and how ecofeminism can inform the development of feminist discourse within political ecology and vice versa.]]></description>
                                                            <content:encoded><![CDATA[Tammy Clemons (University of Kentucky, Anthropology)

Presented in Situating and Engaging with Feminist Political Ecology II: Environmental Ethics, Labor, and Dispossession at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

As feminist women who are connected and committed to the earth and deeply rooted in place, my partner and I have been consciously attempting to embody our personal ethical ideal of ecofeminism in varying degrees for the past 17 years. When I attended graduate school a decade ago, moving to the city presented a great ethical challenge to our personal commitment to and sustained relationship with the earth and all of her life forms. It also caused us to question the value of rural/urban dualism and wrestle with the practical challenge of how we could embody ecofeminist ethics in an urban environment and also inspire others to commit to and physically perform this work in an urban setting. This ethical conundrum was the subject of a feminist ethics paper that I wrote at the time, and it also made cameo appearances in several other papers on feminist theology and community activism. I will revisit my ethics paper on rural/urban dualism, including a basic etymology and background of ecofeminism, and reflect on some of complexities of dualism that challenge and are challenged by ecofeminist embodiment. I will also discuss some of the current challenges related to my recent return to graduate school while maintaining an off-the-grid homestead with my partner. As a newcomer to the realm of “political ecology,” I also hope to engage in a dynamic discussion about whether and how ecofeminism can inform the development of feminist discourse within political ecology and vice versa.]]></content:encoded>
                                    
        <enclosure url="https://mcdn.podbean.com/mf/web/w4b4vq/tammyclemonsFPE.mp3" length="15082892" type="audio/mpeg"/>
        <itunes:summary><![CDATA[Tammy Clemons (University of Kentucky, Anthropology)

Presented in Situating and Engaging with Feminist Political Ecology II: Environmental Ethics, Labor, and Dispossession at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

As feminist women who are connected and committed to the earth and deeply rooted in place, my partner and I have been consciously attempting to embody our personal ethical ideal of ecofeminism in varying degrees for the past 17 years. When I attended graduate school a decade ago, moving to the city presented a great ethical challenge to our personal commitment to and sustained relationship with the earth and all of her life forms. It also caused us to question the value of rural/urban dualism and wrestle with the practical challenge of how we could embody ecofeminist ethics in an urban environment and also inspire others to commit to and physically perform this work in an urban setting. This ethical conundrum was the subject of a feminist ethics paper that I wrote at the time, and it also made cameo appearances in several other papers on feminist theology and community activism. I will revisit my ethics paper on rural/urban dualism, including a basic etymology and background of ecofeminism, and reflect on some of complexities of dualism that challenge and are challenged by ecofeminist embodiment. I will also discuss some of the current challenges related to my recent return to graduate school while maintaining an off-the-grid homestead with my partner. As a newcomer to the realm of “political ecology,” I also hope to engage in a dynamic discussion about whether and how ecofeminism can inform the development of feminist discourse within political ecology and vice versa.]]></itunes:summary>
        <itunes:author></itunes:author>
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        <itunes:block>No</itunes:block>
        <itunes:duration>942</itunes:duration>
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        <title>DOPE2012:Sheila Sutton, Food for the People: Farmers Markets in Miami's Inner City...</title>
        <itunes:title>DOPE2012:Sheila Sutton, Food for the People: Farmers Markets in Miami's Inner City...</itunes:title>
        <link>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012sheila-sutton-food-for-the-people-farmers-markets-in-miamis-inner-city/</link>
                    <comments>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012sheila-sutton-food-for-the-people-farmers-markets-in-miamis-inner-city/#comments</comments>        <pubDate>Thu, 14 Jun 2012 14:19:39 -0500</pubDate>
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                                    <description><![CDATA[Sheila Sutton (Florida International University, Sociology)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

There is scant urban agriculture literature about the environment of Miami’s inner city. This paper is an exploratory journey into the complex web of producers, non-profit organizers, vendors and customers at three farmers markets in three primarily African American and Afro-Caribbean neighborhoods in Miami through interviews and field observations. Miami’s uniqueness in the United States stems from its growth as a new Sunbelt city with a minimal industrial past, large number of foreign born residents, and long-standing powerful Hispanic influence in the city’s cultural and political milieu. Miami’s distinctive set of race- ethnic and foreign-native born intersections exist beyond the typical national discourse of black and white.  It’s black population is more diverse than that of most northern and southern cities with only some of Miami’s black families tracing their roots to Southern slave states,  and many tracing their roots to or recently arriving from Haiti,  Jamaica, the Bahamas, and other parts of the Caribbean.  The way Miami’s urban agriculture is discussed is similar to broader discourse about food deserts and often fails to account for the cultural food practices of Miami’s Afro-Caribbean population.  These discourses and processes, tropical plants, a subtropical environment, traditional American food plants, and various peoples interact at the markets to produce a specific Miami flavored food, human and plant space.  The questions this paper answers, are what kind of Black participation occurs in the production-distribution-consumption web of these markets and how do the cultural-food-plant- relationship histories of the peoples involved interact and inform these markets. ]]></description>
                                                            <content:encoded><![CDATA[Sheila Sutton (Florida International University, Sociology)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

There is scant urban agriculture literature about the environment of Miami’s inner city. This paper is an exploratory journey into the complex web of producers, non-profit organizers, vendors and customers at three farmers markets in three primarily African American and Afro-Caribbean neighborhoods in Miami through interviews and field observations. Miami’s uniqueness in the United States stems from its growth as a new Sunbelt city with a minimal industrial past, large number of foreign born residents, and long-standing powerful Hispanic influence in the city’s cultural and political milieu. Miami’s distinctive set of race- ethnic and foreign-native born intersections exist beyond the typical national discourse of black and white.  It’s black population is more diverse than that of most northern and southern cities with only some of Miami’s black families tracing their roots to Southern slave states,  and many tracing their roots to or recently arriving from Haiti,  Jamaica, the Bahamas, and other parts of the Caribbean.  The way Miami’s urban agriculture is discussed is similar to broader discourse about food deserts and often fails to account for the cultural food practices of Miami’s Afro-Caribbean population.  These discourses and processes, tropical plants, a subtropical environment, traditional American food plants, and various peoples interact at the markets to produce a specific Miami flavored food, human and plant space.  The questions this paper answers, are what kind of Black participation occurs in the production-distribution-consumption web of these markets and how do the cultural-food-plant- relationship histories of the peoples involved interact and inform these markets. ]]></content:encoded>
                                    
        <enclosure url="https://mcdn.podbean.com/mf/web/d2tyqh/sheilasuttonRL1.mp3" length="14761432" type="audio/mpeg"/>
        <itunes:summary><![CDATA[Sheila Sutton (Florida International University, Sociology)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

There is scant urban agriculture literature about the environment of Miami’s inner city. This paper is an exploratory journey into the complex web of producers, non-profit organizers, vendors and customers at three farmers markets in three primarily African American and Afro-Caribbean neighborhoods in Miami through interviews and field observations. Miami’s uniqueness in the United States stems from its growth as a new Sunbelt city with a minimal industrial past, large number of foreign born residents, and long-standing powerful Hispanic influence in the city’s cultural and political milieu. Miami’s distinctive set of race- ethnic and foreign-native born intersections exist beyond the typical national discourse of black and white.  It’s black population is more diverse than that of most northern and southern cities with only some of Miami’s black families tracing their roots to Southern slave states,  and many tracing their roots to or recently arriving from Haiti,  Jamaica, the Bahamas, and other parts of the Caribbean.  The way Miami’s urban agriculture is discussed is similar to broader discourse about food deserts and often fails to account for the cultural food practices of Miami’s Afro-Caribbean population.  These discourses and processes, tropical plants, a subtropical environment, traditional American food plants, and various peoples interact at the markets to produce a specific Miami flavored food, human and plant space.  The questions this paper answers, are what kind of Black participation occurs in the production-distribution-consumption web of these markets and how do the cultural-food-plant- relationship histories of the peoples involved interact and inform these markets. ]]></itunes:summary>
        <itunes:author></itunes:author>
        <itunes:explicit>false</itunes:explicit>
        <itunes:block>No</itunes:block>
        <itunes:duration>922</itunes:duration>
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        <title>DOPE2012:Anne-Marie Debbane, Nature, Race, and Nationalism in the Making of South Africa’s Water...</title>
        <itunes:title>DOPE2012:Anne-Marie Debbane, Nature, Race, and Nationalism in the Making of South Africa’s Water...</itunes:title>
        <link>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012anne-marie-debbane-nature-race-and-nationalism-in-the-making-of-south-africa%e2%80%99s-water/</link>
                    <comments>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012anne-marie-debbane-nature-race-and-nationalism-in-the-making-of-south-africa%e2%80%99s-water/#comments</comments>        <pubDate>Thu, 14 Jun 2012 13:12:28 -0500</pubDate>
        <guid isPermaLink="false">http://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012anne-marie-debbane-nature-race-and-nationalism-in-the-making-of-south-africa%e2%80%99s-water/</guid>
                                    <description><![CDATA[Anne-Marie Debbane (San Diego State University, Geography)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

In 1998, the South African government passed new water legislation that transformed and neoliberalized the regulatory architecture governing water resource management. This has been aimed at promoting economic and ecological efficiency in the development, allocation, and use of water, while simultaneously addressing racial inequities in access to water. Focusing on the Ceres Valley, the heart of the country’s deciduous fruit industry, this paper explores underlying tensions of South Africa’s water reforms within the context of interrelated processes of agrarian change.  Specifically, it examines how anxieties over diminishing water supplies prompted white commercial farmers to initiate land reform deals with black farmers as a means to secure state support for the development of additional irrigation water resources. The extent to which the water-driven land reform intervention can be considered a redistributive measure is put into question by examining how it becomes inserted within and reworks existing socio-ecological configurations of class and racial power. In this way, I bring attention to how structural inequalities are embedded in the formation of racialized subjectivities through which the ‘waterscape’ becomes re-inscribed and enacted through racialized identities, practices and effects. What emerges from the analysis is an understanding of the ways in which marginalized and racialized social actors become enrolled in the post-apartheid waterscape, and how they become complicit or not in advancing a neoliberal agenda.]]></description>
                                                            <content:encoded><![CDATA[Anne-Marie Debbane (San Diego State University, Geography)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

In 1998, the South African government passed new water legislation that transformed and neoliberalized the regulatory architecture governing water resource management. This has been aimed at promoting economic and ecological efficiency in the development, allocation, and use of water, while simultaneously addressing racial inequities in access to water. Focusing on the Ceres Valley, the heart of the country’s deciduous fruit industry, this paper explores underlying tensions of South Africa’s water reforms within the context of interrelated processes of agrarian change.  Specifically, it examines how anxieties over diminishing water supplies prompted white commercial farmers to initiate land reform deals with black farmers as a means to secure state support for the development of additional irrigation water resources. The extent to which the water-driven land reform intervention can be considered a redistributive measure is put into question by examining how it becomes inserted within and reworks existing socio-ecological configurations of class and racial power. In this way, I bring attention to how structural inequalities are embedded in the formation of racialized subjectivities through which the ‘waterscape’ becomes re-inscribed and enacted through racialized identities, practices and effects. What emerges from the analysis is an understanding of the ways in which marginalized and racialized social actors become enrolled in the post-apartheid waterscape, and how they become complicit or not in advancing a neoliberal agenda.]]></content:encoded>
                                    
        <enclosure url="https://mcdn.podbean.com/mf/web/hyzhxx/annemariedebbaneRL1.mp3" length="16845381" type="audio/mpeg"/>
        <itunes:summary><![CDATA[Anne-Marie Debbane (San Diego State University, Geography)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

In 1998, the South African government passed new water legislation that transformed and neoliberalized the regulatory architecture governing water resource management. This has been aimed at promoting economic and ecological efficiency in the development, allocation, and use of water, while simultaneously addressing racial inequities in access to water. Focusing on the Ceres Valley, the heart of the country’s deciduous fruit industry, this paper explores underlying tensions of South Africa’s water reforms within the context of interrelated processes of agrarian change.  Specifically, it examines how anxieties over diminishing water supplies prompted white commercial farmers to initiate land reform deals with black farmers as a means to secure state support for the development of additional irrigation water resources. The extent to which the water-driven land reform intervention can be considered a redistributive measure is put into question by examining how it becomes inserted within and reworks existing socio-ecological configurations of class and racial power. In this way, I bring attention to how structural inequalities are embedded in the formation of racialized subjectivities through which the ‘waterscape’ becomes re-inscribed and enacted through racialized identities, practices and effects. What emerges from the analysis is an understanding of the ways in which marginalized and racialized social actors become enrolled in the post-apartheid waterscape, and how they become complicit or not in advancing a neoliberal agenda.]]></itunes:summary>
        <itunes:author></itunes:author>
        <itunes:explicit>false</itunes:explicit>
        <itunes:block>No</itunes:block>
        <itunes:duration>1052</itunes:duration>
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        <title>DOPE2012: Carrie Mott, Landscapes of indigeneity and nation-state border security</title>
        <itunes:title>DOPE2012: Carrie Mott, Landscapes of indigeneity and nation-state border security</itunes:title>
        <link>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012-carrie-mott-landscapes-of-indigeneity-and-nation-state-border-security/</link>
                    <comments>https://ukpewg.podbean.com/e/dope2012-carrie-mott-landscapes-of-indigeneity-and-nation-state-border-security/#comments</comments>        <pubDate>Thu, 14 Jun 2012 12:43:23 -0500</pubDate>
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                                    <description><![CDATA[Carrie Mott (University of Kentucky, Department of Geography)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

Landscapes of indigeneity and nation-state border security:  The case of the Tohono O'odham in Southern Arizona

Abstract: The Tohono O’odham Reservation is situated in the rural Sonoran Desert of Southern Arizona, bounded to the south by a 75 mile stretch of the U.S./Mexico border.  While the majority of enrolled tribal members live in the United States, approximately 1,400 members of the Tohono O’odham Nation are Mexican citizens.  Traditional land use, ceremonial religious practice, as well as familial and larger tribal connections require that Tohono O’odham tribal members operate bi-nationally, despite the fact of their divided citizenship.  De-facto norms of unfettered mobility have existed for the Tohono O’odham since the 1853 establishment of the boundary line.  However, since the 1990s, U.S. border security has focused increased attention on urban centers throughout the borderlands, “funneling” extra-legal cross-border flows into more dangerous rural areas in the Sonoran Desert (Rubio-Goldsmith et al., 2006).  Border security, in pursuit of increased extra-legal rural movement, appears increasingly on Tohono O’odham reservation lands, a phenomenon that has had serious implications for tribal members’ mobilities:  for ceremonial religious practices, the maintenance of familial and larger tribal connections, as well as for Mexican tribal members entitled to services on reservation lands in the U.S.  Where traditional Tohono O’odham connections to the Sonoran Desert run up against a vast apparatus of border security, we find Don Mitchell’s contention that the struggle for landscape is simultaneously a struggle for social justice (Mitchell, 2003).  As indigenous people historically situated outside of a modern nation-state context, the heightened presence of border security on reservation lands constitutes for the Tohono O’odham an experience of racialized Otherness, where traditional cross-border mobility poses an obstacle to successful border enforcement. ]]></description>
                                                            <content:encoded><![CDATA[Carrie Mott (University of Kentucky, Department of Geography)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

Landscapes of indigeneity and nation-state border security:  The case of the Tohono O'odham in Southern Arizona

Abstract: The Tohono O’odham Reservation is situated in the rural Sonoran Desert of Southern Arizona, bounded to the south by a 75 mile stretch of the U.S./Mexico border.  While the majority of enrolled tribal members live in the United States, approximately 1,400 members of the Tohono O’odham Nation are Mexican citizens.  Traditional land use, ceremonial religious practice, as well as familial and larger tribal connections require that Tohono O’odham tribal members operate bi-nationally, despite the fact of their divided citizenship.  De-facto norms of unfettered mobility have existed for the Tohono O’odham since the 1853 establishment of the boundary line.  However, since the 1990s, U.S. border security has focused increased attention on urban centers throughout the borderlands, “funneling” extra-legal cross-border flows into more dangerous rural areas in the Sonoran Desert (Rubio-Goldsmith et al., 2006).  Border security, in pursuit of increased extra-legal rural movement, appears increasingly on Tohono O’odham reservation lands, a phenomenon that has had serious implications for tribal members’ mobilities:  for ceremonial religious practices, the maintenance of familial and larger tribal connections, as well as for Mexican tribal members entitled to services on reservation lands in the U.S.  Where traditional Tohono O’odham connections to the Sonoran Desert run up against a vast apparatus of border security, we find Don Mitchell’s contention that the struggle for landscape is simultaneously a struggle for social justice (Mitchell, 2003).  As indigenous people historically situated outside of a modern nation-state context, the heightened presence of border security on reservation lands constitutes for the Tohono O’odham an experience of racialized Otherness, where traditional cross-border mobility poses an obstacle to successful border enforcement. ]]></content:encoded>
                                    
        <enclosure url="https://mcdn.podbean.com/mf/web/czt83x/carriemottRL1.mp3" length="13644321" type="audio/mpeg"/>
        <itunes:summary><![CDATA[Carrie Mott (University of Kentucky, Department of Geography)

Presented in Racialized Landscapes 1 at the Dimensions of Political Ecology 2012: Conference on Nature Society at the University of Kentucky

Landscapes of indigeneity and nation-state border security:  The case of the Tohono O'odham in Southern Arizona

Abstract: The Tohono O’odham Reservation is situated in the rural Sonoran Desert of Southern Arizona, bounded to the south by a 75 mile stretch of the U.S./Mexico border.  While the majority of enrolled tribal members live in the United States, approximately 1,400 members of the Tohono O’odham Nation are Mexican citizens.  Traditional land use, ceremonial religious practice, as well as familial and larger tribal connections require that Tohono O’odham tribal members operate bi-nationally, despite the fact of their divided citizenship.  De-facto norms of unfettered mobility have existed for the Tohono O’odham since the 1853 establishment of the boundary line.  However, since the 1990s, U.S. border security has focused increased attention on urban centers throughout the borderlands, “funneling” extra-legal cross-border flows into more dangerous rural areas in the Sonoran Desert (Rubio-Goldsmith et al., 2006).  Border security, in pursuit of increased extra-legal rural movement, appears increasingly on Tohono O’odham reservation lands, a phenomenon that has had serious implications for tribal members’ mobilities:  for ceremonial religious practices, the maintenance of familial and larger tribal connections, as well as for Mexican tribal members entitled to services on reservation lands in the U.S.  Where traditional Tohono O’odham connections to the Sonoran Desert run up against a vast apparatus of border security, we find Don Mitchell’s contention that the struggle for landscape is simultaneously a struggle for social justice (Mitchell, 2003).  As indigenous people historically situated outside of a modern nation-state context, the heightened presence of border security on reservation lands constitutes for the Tohono O’odham an experience of racialized Otherness, where traditional cross-border mobility poses an obstacle to successful border enforcement. ]]></itunes:summary>
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        <itunes:block>No</itunes:block>
        <itunes:duration>848</itunes:duration>
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