Today, we head to northern Yorkshire in Britain, where we meet Pete North, a man in his late 40s who has issues with Hamas, Muslims, and Palestine. He is very open and outspoken about his contempt for all three. His tweets “f_Hamas, f–k Palestine” and “f–k Islam earned him an arrest by the Yorkshire police. It also gained him support from people who share his opinions and from those who hold on to what little free speech remains in Britain. This is what happened:

            Peter North posted a meme on social media using the F word three times in reference to Hamas, Islam, and Palestine. In response, police knocked on his door at 9:30 on XXX September 2025 to arrest him and take him to the police station. Two officers informed him that he was under arrest under section 19, which relates to spreading racial hatred. One officer explained, “So you've posted something online that we believe is spreading racial hatred." However, according to North, the police refused to disclose the offending post. Was it on "Twitter or Facebook?"

Responded a policeman, "Well, I can't explain too much. It's just to give you the context beforehand.”

"What, you're taking me away now?"

"Yes, so you're under arrest..."

"In the middle of the night, over a tweet?"

"I am, unfortunately."

And off North went to the police station, where he was interrogated.

North recalled, “The officer in the interview said, ‘Well, firstly, let’s start with the meme. You posted a meme that said f—k Hamas,’” North claimed. “I said, ‘yeah, I did post a meme that said f—k Hamas, because Hamas are a proscribed terrorist organisation internationally, including in Britain.“ ‘Just so we’re on the same page, you do know who Hamas are?'” “And he just … shook his head,”

North continued, claiming the officer was just as clueless when he asked if he knew about the horrors committed by Hamas on Oct. 7. “He was totally oblivious,” he claimed. “If you’re going to arrest people for memes, you probably need to pay more attention to current events.” North was later released without charges after a lengthy interrogation and has since accused authorities of trying to “terrorize” people into being politically correct online.

I was held in a holding area for some time before being taken for an interview. During the interview, to my shock and disgust, I had to explain to the interviewing officer what Hamas is. He was completely unaware. It seemed he didn't know what happened on 7/10. One of the questions was “Do you know who Tommy Robinson is?”—followed by “Are you aware that he was the first person to post this meme?” North responded that he did not believe that is what happened.

North then explained that Hamas is a proscribed terrorist group in the UK. In his words, “The Palestine flag is the flag of Islamo-leftist revolution, and the agenda it represents is committed to the extermination of Jews. If you want to stand in support of that, you should go to a Muslim country. As it happens, many Muslim countries would lock you up—both for supporting Hamas and for protesting.”

North expressed his disgust towards the police, stating: "I'm disgusted by the police because they could have handled this in an orderly, civil manner, but instead they chose the maximum intrusion, and it was essentially like being treated as an act of terrorism. "They were trying to find evidence that I intended to stir up racial hate with it, which is unbelievable. It's crass. The meme itself is controversial, but controversy isn't illegal, and it simply reflects my opinion.”

North did not back down. In fact, he double-downed. “I feel quite strongly that what political cartoons and memes I post on social media is none of the police’s business. Nobody should be facing police inquiries for posting memes on Twitter. “The whole point of this exercise is not to win convictions. It’s to terrorize people like me into thinking twice about posting spicy memes.”

North received support on social media. On Jihad Watch, many followers offered comments like these:

“Is this Communist China? Why do the people here speak English?

From MihaiI, “I have a genuine question for every police officer in the UK: Is this what your ancestors fought and died for?

One said, “Hamas is a terrorist group. Are the police defending Hamas now?

Lou C. asked, “When are the police in the UK going to wear Brown Shirts? This is the same path followed by the Nazis in late 1930s Germany... The UK is done. Put a fork in it.”

            Tee Dee asked, “Since when did hamas become a race???”

            Said one Briton, “ISLAM GO HOME. You're not welcome and never were.”

Well, North was released by the police on unconditional bail but maintains that the tweet in question remains 'a sentiment I wholly endorse.' He continued: "I'm quite shaken by the whole thing right now. I haven't slept and probably won't. I've always known my tweets could be a bit spicy, but being snatched by a goon squad at night for a 'F*** Hamas' meme is just breathtakingly outrageous and absurd. My wife was mortified. She was left alone after I was taken out of the house and was in tears, but she is very stoic and is my rock."

When asked if he regretted his post, he responded: 'I don't regret at all expressing my solidarity for the principle of free speech. Not at all, because it was an act of solidarity with Tommy Robinson, who had been hauled over the coals for posting that meme.”

Thank you for listening to this episode of Cauldron of Terror. What are your thoughts on Pete North and the current situation in Britain? We want to hear from you. The book Cauldron of Terror – Hamas, Israel, and the World – 500 Days in Gaza will be available for purchase in July 2026. This podcast does not reflect the official position of the United States government. Until next time, goodbye from Kensington Security Consulting. 

The First Intifada

The term ‘Intifada’ refers to large-scale, coordinated, and ongoing Palestinian attacks against Israeli targets over a specific period. The First Intifada began in December 1987 after a collision between a truck driven by an Israeli and a car driven by a Palestinian, which resulted in four Palestinian deaths. Israeli authorities believed the incident was an accident; however, many Palestinians saw it as an act of revenge. Soon, Palestinian anger erupted in the streets of Gaza and the West Bank, leading to what became known as the First Intifada. Some leaders in the West Bank were surprised, as the PLO’s leadership had been exiled to Tunis and had lost some influence over the Palestinian population.

Violent attacks and nonviolent protests occurred within the civil administration and schools, led by the Unified Leadership of the Uprising (UNLU). Stone-throwing became more prevalent during the First Intifada, fueled by prominent media coverage. Photos of children throwing stones at Israeli soldiers and tanks became iconic, boosting public support for Hamas. Gaining media sympathy became a key and effective strategy during the Second Intifada, earning it the nickname ‘War of Stones.’ Violence decreased around 1993, when Arafat signed the Oslo Accords, a partial peace deal with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. Hamas rejected the ceasefire and carried out periodic suicide bombings. Seven years later, a new intifada would begin.

The Second Intifada – Blood-Red Miniature War

The Second Intifada began in 2000 after Ariel Sharon visited Jerusalem’s Temple Mount, a site sacred to both Jews and Muslims. Sharon had many monikers, one of which was the ‘Bulldozer.’ He was short, broad, and audacious in war. He was recognized as a skilled and bold soldier who helped lead the IDF to victory after initial setbacks in the October 1973 War. Like Moshe Dayan, he was born in Mandate Palestine and became involved in arms at an early age. Throughout his life, he fought in all of Israel’s wars, including the War of Independence. Like many Israeli general officers, he played a political role and helped establish the Likud Party in 1973. He was a hawk, but he changed when he became Prime Minister in 2001.

In any event, his visit to the Temple Mount sparked widespread protests, demonstrations, and suicide bombings, leaving nearly 1,000 Israelis killed or wounded in Palestinian terror attacks. Many Israelis believed their lives had not improved since 1993 and felt disillusioned after the failed Camp David summit in July 2000.

One of the most notorious attacks of the Second Intifada was the bombing of a hotel in Netanya, known as the Passover Seder Massacre of March 2002. Thirty people, primarily older adults, some of whom had survived the Holocaust, were killed, and dozens were maimed and injured when a Hamas suicide bomber detonated his explosive. Palestinian operatives from Hamas and Fatah, who helped plan the attack, received multiple life sentences. The families of the attackers were awarded hundreds of thousands of dollars.

            Other horrific attacks made international headlines for their brutality. In August 2001, a suicide bomber detonated his device at the Sbarro pizza restaurant in Jerusalem in the early afternoon, when pedestrian traffic was at its peak. The attack killed 16 people, including seven children. Scores of others were maimed and disfigured. One of the injured remained in a coma for 22 years before she died in June 2023. Hamas claimed responsibility for the attack. A female conspirator, who disguised herself as a Jewish tourist to enter the restaurant, bragged about her participation. She was released from prison in 2011 in an exchange for Hamas’ abducted Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit.

            In April 2003, two British-born operatives of the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade entered Israel from Jordan. One tried to enter Mike’s Place, a popular nightclub in Tel Aviv near the United States Embassy. The security guard stopped him from entering the club, and the bomber detonated himself, killing three people and injuring 55. His accomplice’s suicide bomb failed to go off, and he was dead.

             In response to the attacks, Israeli forces targeted militant strongholds in Bethlehem, Jenin, Nablus, Qalqilya, and Ramallah – areas that had been under Palestinian control for years. The operation uncovered 23 bomb-making facilities. In 2004, Israel assassinated Yassin, and the Second Intifada ended sometime the following year. However, sporadic terrorist attacks continued. In late 2008, Israel launched Operation Cast Lead to weaken Hamas. The outcome was uncertain; Hamas was not defeated and may have even grown stronger after the attack. Once again, the conflict drew significant support from the Palestinian public. However, some observers argue that the Intifada did not succeed. While the suicide bombings stopped, so did the Intifada, without any noticeable gains. As a result, some assessed Hamas’s use of terror as a failure, since Israel did not surrender.

The Third Intifada – the Global Intifada

The term ‘Global Intifada’ was created well before the October 2023 attack, but became more popular afterward. The term is slang and carries different, nuanced meanings for those who use it. However, the refrain is mostly used as a call for the violent elimination of Israel. Some protests have been peaceful, many have been loud, and some have involved varying levels of violence.

Global Intifada has become a rallying cry at protests worldwide since October 7, 2023. Notable locations include Times Square, the Consulate General of Israel in Manhattan, central London, Harvard University, and Crown Heights, New York, a neighborhood with a large Jewish community. It has been shouted at many American universities. This slogan has been adopted by various anti-Israel activist groups, including Within Our Lives. This community group, which identifies as Palestinian-led, organized protests to boycott Israel outside the New York Times, Penn Station, Grand Central Station, BlackRock, and Israeli tech companies. At McGill University in Canada, a student protest became tense when campus police dismantled an anti-Israel demonstration. Students shouted, ‘F –  the dismantling, globalize the intifada.’ In Europe, ‘Intifada’ was a song by a popular Spanish band accusing Israel of genocide against Palestinians, comparing it to the Holocaust. The song was banned in Germany.

Hamas Terrorism Post-October 7, 2023

Israeli security officials expected a repeat of the Intifada suicide bombing campaign, which Hamas’s foreign policy adviser, Dr. Ahmed Yousef, had promised. However, by early 2026, this had not occurred. Several factors contributed to this. It is much more difficult for Hamas to infiltrate Israel. The IDF is on high alert, and the security barriers provide additional protection. Additionally, the IDF recognizes the threat posed by tunnels.

Israeli intelligence has targeted locations controlled by Hamas, including mosque classes, student unions, sports clubs, and other sites used by Hamas for training and recruitment. Hamas has recruited Palestinians not affiliated with the Qassam Brigades for logistical and operational support, even directing suicide bombers to their targets. However, there may not be widespread willingness to volunteer for such missions. A sense of betrayal dampens support for Hamas. Its leaders promised liberation but have instead brought devastation, particularly since 2023. During both Intifadas, Israel focused mainly on defensive measures, such as border and internal security, while maintaining a defensive posture. Since October 7, Israel has adopted an offensive approach, keeping Hamas’s leadership off balance. The full extent of high-level and systemic corruption has been made clear to the world in recent years. Four of its leaders – Moussa Abu Marzouk, Khaled Meshaal, Ismail Haniyeh, and Yahya Sinwar – embezzled billions of dollars intended for Gaza’s impoverished people, many of whom live in near poverty or destitution.

`           This concludes the readings from chapter two from "Cauldron of Terror Gaza, Hamas, Israel, and the World,” written by Mark Silinsky and published by Pen and Sword. If you enjoyed them, please consider subscribing to continue listening to other chapters. This book will be available online or at major bookstores worldwide soon. This reading does not represent the official position of any agency or individual within the United States government. On behalf of Kensington Security Consulting, thank you for listening.

Hamas Comes to Power

Hamas’s first leadership generation appeared in the 1980s. Its creator was Sheikh Ahmed Yassin. Charismatic, quadriplegic, and driven, he led Hamas until the IDF assassinated him. He broke his neck as a young boy and used a wheelchair for the rest of his life. Always studious, he studied English at Cairo University and later became a popular teacher in Gaza. He supported the war against Israel and was intermittently imprisoned for nearly 10 years in Israeli detention prisons.

Yassin brought Hamas from obscurity to prominence after splitting from Arafat in 1994, when the Nobel Prize-winning leader of the PLO accepted a two-state solution. Yassin demanded that all Israeli land be surrendered to Palestinians and ordered a wave of suicide bombings. In response, Israel decided to eliminate him. In March 2004, a drone spotted him being carried to prayer in his wheelchair and targeted him with an invisible laser. Helicopters launched three Hellfire missiles, one of which hit him directly, killing him and nine others. Many Palestinians idolized him, while Israeli authorities wondered whether they had created a martyr who would inspire future generations of Palestinians.

In the 1990s, while Yassin was in prison, his deputies managed Hamas’s operations. Rantisi, Khaled Mashaal, and Mousa Abu Marzouk led the political wing of Hamas in Gaza, while its military wing was spread across the West Bank. In the early 1990s, Iran and Syria began supporting Hamas as it moved its military and political committees to Damascus. During this period, Hamas focused on building and strengthening its political influence. The assassination of Hamas leaders in 2004 created a power vacuum that was quickly filled. These targeted killings may have unintentionally strengthened Hamas by energizing the group’s militant side. Israel now faced a fully militarized Hamas alongside a more adaptable Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Hamas’s increased prominence attracted financial and military support from Muslim countries that saw it as the stronger competitor in the Muslim fight against Israel, further boosting grassroots support for Hamas.

Hamas gained political power in 2006 by winning more seats than Fatah and competing secular parties in a Palestinian election. Few expected Hamas to achieve such a major victory. This marked a turning point for Hamas, as it was the first time the organization succeeded in a large-scale election. The following year, it took control of Gaza from Fatah, ending the PLO’s long-standing dominance over the Palestinian electorate. Hamas declared that it had not abandoned its goal of destroying Israel. However, Hamas’s political language was often inconsistent, sometimes sounding conciliatory toward Israel and other times sounding resolutely aggressive. Israel transferred the land to them in 2006, along with modern greenhouses, barns, storage facilities for vegetables and orchards, and extensive irrigation systems. Then, Gazans destroyed them.

            Hamas established a one-party regime in the Gaza Strip, while Fatah governed the West Bank. By the summer of 2007, Hamas controlled most of Gaza, whereas Fatah had formed a separate government in the West Bank. In the 1990s, Yassir Arafat called Hamas a ‘bunch of ants.’ It seemed that Fatah would indefinitely maintain its monopoly on political control over the Palestinians. A generation later, few in the PLO shared that arrogance. The power of the Palestinians was now divided indefinitely.

Does Hamas Have Wings?

As Hamas gained political legitimacy in 2006, observers sought to understand its ambitions, capabilities, leadership, and structure. Significant differences existed between Hamas’s and Fatah’s ruling styles. By 2007 and 2008, Fatah’s governance had become more technocratic. One observer, Jonathan Brown, opined that responses to Israeli aggression primarily drove Hamas’s rule. In his view, Hamas cannot be defined by a single term; it is a multifaceted entity encompassing social, political, military, and educational dimensions.

The structure of Hamas raises a question: Is it a unified political and military entity, or is it composed of several allied organizations or factions? Hamas consists of three main components: a vast network of social organizations, including schools and hospitals, in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; a political division that engages in extensive fundraising; and an armed militia wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, which orchestrates suicide bombings.

             Yassin claimed that Hamas was a single enterprise. He said its ‘wings,’ including its military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, were fully integrated with the social and political elements. ‘We cannot separate the wing from the body. If we do so, the body will not be able to fly. Hamas is one body.” He saw these elements as reinforcing the central goal of destroying Israel. Rantisi explained, ‘Hamas’s political wing determines overall policy for the movement.’

             Long after Yassin’s death, Hamas remains unified, and its funds and activities are interconnected. It continues to utilize its charities to finance terrorism operations. Mosques and charities incite, recruit, and provide logistical and operational support for terrorists, and they are places where suicide bombs are made. Hamas and Fatah use schools, orphanages, summer camps, and sports leagues to socialize even the youngest children to aspire to die as martyrs.

Hamas and Terrorism

Hamas continues to use terror to weaken the resolve of Israelis. Terror remains a key part of a broader strategy focused on diminishing Israeli national morale. Ongoing and unpredictable attacks on civilians are intended to make life in Israel unbearable. This tactic was apparent during the wave of assaults in the Second Intifada, which started in 2000 and lasted four years.

From underground, Hamas’s ghost army periodically emerged from a tunnel network to infiltrate Israel, kill indiscriminately, and then quickly retreat underground for cover. Hamas targeted various busy civilian locations, including buses and light rail stops, nightclubs, restaurants, markets, universities, and even a hotel hosting a Passover Seder. They aimed to undermine Israeli morale and devastate the economy by shifting resources from productive sectors to defense. The intifadas have hurt many parts of the Israeli economy by draining and reallocating resources, and the attacks have led to concessions.

            In December 1992, the al-Qassam Brigade killed six Israeli soldiers, prompting the Rabin government to exile suspected terrorists and their supporters. However, Rabin also withdrew some Israelis from Gaza and Jericho, actions that came before the Oslo Accords. Hamas leaders cited Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 as evidence that terrorism was effective and would continue. Hamas has regarded, and still regards, terrorism as a valuable tactic. The belief that Israel feared Hamas probably helped Hamas’s election victory in 2006, one year after the Second Intifada ended.

            Kidnapping for prisoner exchanges has compelled Israel to negotiate the release of imprisoned Palestinian operatives. The most notable exchange was the Gilad Shalit deal, in which Israel released 1,000 Palestinian prisoners for one Israeli soldier. An imprisoned female terrorist recommended that Palestinians take another Shalit.’ On October 7, 2023, Hamas took over 200.

            Hamas also kills Israelis to demonstrate to the world that it is highly operational and that its fighters are eager to attack the Israeli enemy. This murderous enthusiasm attracts funding from Muslim nations. Hamas does not rely solely on sympathy to secure foreign support. It kills Israeli citizens, which earns it respect among those hostile to Israel’s existence. Iran provides Hamas with material and financial backing. Along with Qatar, Turkey shelters some of Hamas’s top leaders and helps fund the organization’s activities. Terrorism shows the world, especially Hamas’s Islamic benefactors, that it is strong, well-organized, armed, and eager to kill.

            Ironically, another reason for using terrorism is the self-inflicted destruction and impoverishment of social infrastructure that it causes. During the First Intifada, Israel demolished the homes of individuals linked to Palestinian terrorism. Media outlets sympathetic to the Palestinians labeled these retaliatory strikes as war crimes through collective punishment. By placing munitions depots and bomb-making facilities near schools or beneath hospitals, Hamas provoked retaliatory or preemptive military strikes. Israel targets these sites and others, which attracts funding from international organizations and various Western countries to rebuild the facilities (see Chapter 8). Some of the funds intended for reconstruction and development are used as planned. Meanwhile, other money is diverted to terrorist operational planning, with much of the revenue ending up in the bank accounts of Hamas leaders living in luxury in Qatar.

            The funds are allocated to charities under Hamas’s control. In turn, those who receive aid are expected to support Hamas. An Israeli defense official said, ‘In the territories, there are no free lunches . . . Those who receive help from the Islamic associations pay with support for Hamas. Palestinians who benefit from Hamas charities are expected to allow operatives to use their homes as safehouses, harbor fugitives, and permit Hamas to store weapons on their property.

            Some of this money also goes to imprisoned Hamas and Fatah operatives as part of the ‘pay-to-slay’ agreement. Hamas and the PLO pay millions of dollars each month to terrorists and their families, including those captured after the October 2023 murder. The motivations for terrorism – political success, affirmation of Hamas’s importance, and fundraising – prompted Hamas to launch terror campaigns that went far beyond sporadic, uncoordinated bombings and killings. Each campaign lasted several years and became known as an intifada, or uprising. These campaigns took place in Gaza and the West Bank and involved both Hamas and Fatah.

This concludes the third reading from Chapter Two of "Cauldron of Terror Gaza, Hamas, Israel, and the World," by Mark Silinsky, published by Pen and Sword. If you found it useful, please consider subscribing and buying a copy. The book is available online or at major bookstores worldwide. This reading does not represent the official position of any agency or individual within the United States government. On behalf of Kensington Security Consulting, thank you for listening.

Of all the unanswered questions of our time, perhaps the most important is: ‘What is Fascism? George Orwell, ‘What is Fascism?’ 1944

Many Western observers find it challenging to define Hamas’s politics, which blend radical Islam with authoritarian and occasionally secular principles. Some ideas are grounded in Sharia, while others unsettlingly echo the authoritarian ideologies of fascism and National Socialism from the 20th century.

Giovanni Gentile, an Italian professor, shaped fascism during World War I under the slogan, ‘All within the state; none outside the state; none against the state.’ The first fascist movement to rise to power was Mussolini’s Blackshirts in Italy in 1922. The term became widely associated with numerous anti-democratic political philosophies of that era. During World War II, the Soviet Union referred to the German military and political systems as fascist enterprises. Hitler respected fascism but constructed National Socialism as a distinct, though related, ideology. Many Islamic intellectuals from the Middle East were drawn to both fascism and National Socialism.

            Hamas’s political philosophy has its roots in the Islamic Brotherhood, as outlined in its Charter. It also integrates elements of 20th-century European political systems, particularly fascism and National Socialism. In this sense, Hamas’s politics bear a close resemblance to those of the Islamic State in Syria and the Sham, or ISIS, as well as other Islamist organizations. British historian Malise Ruthven characterized the authoritarian Muslim governments in the Middle East as being influenced by Islamo-fascism. This term refers to the combination of Islamic and heavily secular authoritarian principles. Both fascism and Islamism are characterized by state control over politics and society, a concept deeply embedded in Hamas’s Charter.

Fascism with an Islamic face

:. . . we love Adolf Hitler . . . Adolf Hitler was an Arab . . . Eva Braun is also our cousin.’ Shouts of young males at a rally in Germany, 2017

Islamo-fascism describes a blend of radical Islam and militant authoritarianism. The terms Islamo-fascism and Islamo-Nazism were rarely used until the early 21st century. After the September 2001 attacks in the United States, observers struggled to find suitable words to describe the politics of militant Islamic radicals. Some believed that the term Islamo-fascism was fitting. Then-President Bush compared Islamism to fascism, and the top U.S. Army official in the Middle East, General John Abizaid, drew parallels between the rise of Islamist ideologies and the emergence of fascism in Europe during the 1920s and 1930s. Military historian Victor Davis Hanson emphasized the themes of enforced conformity and submission found in both Islamism and fascism. President Bush called al-Qaida Islamo-fascistic, saying the group’s attacks served as ‘a stark reminder that this nation is at war with Islamic fascists.’ He also claimed that Islamo-fascism is a ‘murderous ideology . . . the great challenge of our new century.

Columbia University Professor Robert Paxton emphasizes that fascism’s core includes group identity, superiority, and victimization, which are deeply rooted in Hamas’s ideology. Elements of the sacred teachings of Islam declare that Muslims are superior to all other groups of men and women and should have greater rights in an Islamic state. There is also a strong sense of victimhood in the Middle East, where Islamic clergy and intellectuals blame Western colonialism for the region’s poverty. Hamas, along with other Palestinian groups, has adopted a culture of grievance.

Fascism and Hamas

At least nine themes are shared between the philosophies of fascism and Hamas. These themes include collective identity, the principle of leadership, martial pageantry, mythical atavism and purity, utopian aspirations, severely restricted human rights, hypermasculinity, martyrdom, and a relentless struggle against a primary enemy. First, there is the idea of collective identity. In fascist states, a strong sense of unity prevails, with individuals absorbed into the collective. In Germany and Japan, this collective identity was racially homogeneous and deeply rooted in an exclusive, often romanticized history and culture. Unlike National Socialist ideology, Italian and Spanish fascism did not focus on racial theory. In Islam, this collective is called the Ummah.

For Hamas, as with European fascist leaders, the individual has little value. Hamas treats Gazans as tools in the war with Israel, positioning them in apartments, hospitals, and mosques that also serve as fire bases. Hamas has buried caches of arms and explosives under kindergartens, schools, hospitals, and playgrounds. This ensures that non-combatants will be killed. Using Gazans as fodder is part of Hamas’s information operations because pictures of dead children portray Israel as a baby killer. As for the Muslims who die because of Hamas’s grand strategy, they become martyrs. Their families receive status and financial benefits from Hamas and Fatah. The martyrs are guaranteed a place in heaven.

            The second common element of Islamism and fascism is the principle of leadership. The leader holds dictatorial or near-dictatorial power, ruling absolutely either by divine right, as in Japan, or through a popular mandate, as in Germany, Italy, and Spain. In Sunni Islam, there is often no clear or established succession process. Traditionally, leaders are appointed by senior clerical figures, whereas in Iran leadership is held by senior clerics.

Third, there is martial pageantry, which is an intense celebration of warrior culture. Many countries honor their military and veterans through monuments, songs, sagas, and holidays. During surges of patriotism, especially in times of war, democratic states accord with their militaries due respect. However, the martial pageantry in Mussolini’s Italy, Hitler’s Germany, and Hirohito’s Japan idolizes militarism. The fighting culture of Hamas takes this further, creating a death cult.

Hamas uses visual art to glorify militarism and martyrdom. Graffiti and traditional art encourage assaults on Israel. Former leaders Ibrahim al-Maqadmah and Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi wrote poetry about the martial struggle. Others followed, documenting imprisonment, martyrdom, suffering, and warfare. Occasionally, Hamas’s ideology is closely linked to sports organizations, with mosques forming soccer teams. One team’s motto was, ‘Prepare for the enemy and fight the occupation.’ This message is reinforced in Hamas’s schools, where kindergarteners wear uniforms and carry toy rifles.

            The fourth common element between Hamas’s philosophy and fascism is racial or religious atavism. Many authoritarian philosophies of the 20th century draw inspiration from an ancient and idealized period of purity. Rousseau laid the groundwork for communism by imagining a future without private property. National Socialism aimed to recreate a racially pure past by eliminating racial contamination, while Italian fascists reminisced about the glory and grandeur of Rome. Similarly, Hamas strives to emulate a golden age represented by the first generation of Muslims, which Hamas highlights as a model of purity.

            The fifth common thread is utopian aspirations, which are not exclusive to fascist or Islamic societies. Medieval Europeans believed that they would attain a celestial paradise by living piously. The significance of the afterlife waned with the scientific revolution in the 18th century. Still, some 20th-century authoritarian philosophies embraced utopian visions that gained popularity. Nazis envisioned a purely Aryan Germany ruling over non-Aryan serfs, while communists imagined a future without economic classes. Fascists generally envisioned a muscular utopia where they held uncontested power. For Hamas, the ideal governance model was based on the first generation of Muslims. Their utopia aims to recreate this embellished past.

            The sixth element involves significantly restricted individual rights. Western nations limit government interference in citizens’ religious practices, employment choices, marriages, and their ability to express political dissent. In contrast, authoritarian regimes provide far fewer liberal rights. In Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, and fascist Italy, leaders imprisoned or executed those who opposed their often-absolute authoritarian rule.

Hamas similarly governs under the strictest interpretation of Islamic law, alongside elements of secular law. Women are required to cover themselves or risk being beaten or stoned. The police in Gaza beat and imprison women who advocate for other women and enforce gender segregation. Hamas operatives kill fellow Muslims whom they suspect of collaborating with the Israeli enemy. There is little refuge in Gaza for LGBTQ individuals who face severe persecution and ostracism. Hamas routinely tortures Gazans believed to be gay.

            Hypermasculinity is the seventh common trait. In both Islamism and fascism, strong and clear gender roles are stressed. Women are primarily responsible for bearing and raising children. Men are expected to provide financial support, protect their families, and serve as warriors when needed. The visual and musical arts emphasize the muscular warrior class. In many cultures, masculinity is glorified, but hypermasculinity represents an extreme martial ideal.

            The eighth element is the focus on the heroic or martyrdom aspect, sometimes associated with hypermasculinity. Most civilizations celebrate their heroes in national narratives, honoring those who die in battle within their culture. In non-fascist societies, civilians generally see death in combat as an unfortunate necessity that must be faced with dignity. However, death in battle has a different meaning in Hamas culture. Martyrdom is revered as the highest expression of Islamic devotion. Muslims who die fighting against non-Muslims are called shahids. The Koran assures that the shahid will be granted immediate entry into heaven.

For Hamas and other Palestinians, the most revered shahid before Israel’s establishment was Shaykh Izz al-Din Ezzedin Qassam, a Syrian who was killed in 1948 during the Arab-Israeli conflict. The Qassam Brigade is named after him. One of the most celebrated events in Palestinian folklore is the Great Revolt of 1936-1939, which was suppressed by the British and Jews. Despite this, many Palestinians see this event as the start of their armed struggle and honor the Arabs who died during the Revolt as martyrs and heroes.

            The ninth characteristic shared by modern authoritarian ideologies is a constant struggle against a specified enemy. For the Nazis, the eternal main enemy was the international Jew. For Stalin-era Soviets, it was either capitalism or counterrevolution. For Hamas, it is also the international Jew. The 1988 Hamas charter refers to Jews, not Israelis, with murderous contempt and a desire for destruction. The charter’s revision in 2017 downplays the deadly hatred toward Jews as a group but states that Zionism remains its unwavering enemy. However, many statements fail to distinguish between Judaism and Zionism. This hatred erupted into butchery on October 7, 2023, and it continues.

            This concludes one of several readings from chapter two from "Cauldron of Terror Gaza, Hamas, Israel, and the World,” written by Mark Silinsky and published by Pen and Sword. If you enjoyed it, please consider subscribing. This book is available online or at major bookstores worldwide. This reading does not represent the official position of any agency or individual within the United States government. On behalf of Kensington Security Consulting, thank you for listening.